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First published in Gateway-Heritage: The Quarterly
Magazine of the Missouri Historical Society, Vol.
22 No. 1 (Summer 2001). Footnoted copies and originals
(with photos) available from the Missouri Historical
Society, P.O. Box 11940, St. Louis, MO 63112-0040
USA.
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St.
Louis has always been careful to cover
its tracks, razing its history so it can
start over again with a clean slate. Occasionally,
though, the past sticks a foot in the
door of the future and demands to be let
in. One such stubborn caller, whose voice
has been muffled, but not quite silenced,
is BAG. Between 1967 and 1972, St. Louis
was home to an arts cooperative known
as the Black Artists' Group or BAG, which
brought together and nurtured local African
American experimentalists involved with
theater, visual arts, dance, poetry, film,
and jazz.
The
members of BAG, inspired by the formation
of artistic collectives around the country,
particularly Chicago's Association for
the Advancement of Creative Musicians
(AACM), fused ideas of artistic modernism
with the local experience of blacks, Afrocentric
ways of viewing art, and traditional forms
of blues, jazz and narrative expression
with social activism and a communal focus.
But unlike other artistic collectives
of the period, BAG was fundamentally committed
to a collaborative interweaving of its
members' diverse artistic mediums. Most
significant, perhaps, were BAG's theater
and music components. The musicians built
on the free-jazz vocabulary developed
by John Coltrane and others before his
death in 1967, and their innovations later
energized the seminal mid-'70s loft-jazz
scene in New York; meanwhile, BAG's actors
and directors developed a theater which
provided an engaging synthesis of avant-garde
European techniques with cultural traditions
of African Americans and issues of importance
to progressives generally. The group,
in embracing much of the program of the
Black Arts Movement, was emblematic of
an emerging social phenomenon; many of
its founders, in the words of former BAG
saxophonist J. D. Parran, "were entering
new territory culturally and politically
as well as artistically." During
their time in St. Louis, these artists
not only contributed to the cultural richness
of the city, but also created a strong
model for interartistic cooperation and
arts-driven social activism.
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FORMING
BAG:
BAG emerged from
two parallel trends towards consolidation
in the black St. Louis arts world
of the late 1960s, in theater and
in jazz. Although rooted in the
underground free jazz scene that
emerged in St. Louis during the
mid-1960s, the musical segment of
BAG found fertile soil in a St.
Louis that had produced a number
of nationally recognized black musicians
during the 1940s and 1950s, including
Clark Terry, Miles Davis, Grant
Green, and Jimmy Forrest. The amateur
and semi-professional local music
scene also was lively at the time,
with members of the black community
actively participating in drum and
bugle corps, school music programs,
church choirs, and dance and jazz
ensembles. The St. Louis scene changed
to reflect the times following the
bop era, with a small but healthy
cadre of free jazz musicians developing
new sounds and interests. Noted
trumpeter Lester Bowie started out
as a participant in this scene,
but decided that the opportunities
for his music were better in Chicago
and moved there in 1966. The free
jazz community that Bowie left behind
was relatively concealed from the
St. Louis music-listening public.
Many of these musicians made their
livings playing bebop or rhythm
and blues, gathering to rehearse
newer styles at the home of saxophonist
Oliver Lake or in Forest Park.
Local jazz radio host Dennis Owsley,
who came to St. Louis in 1969, describes
these free-jazzers gathering at
Art Hill in Forest Park and playing
in different intrumental combinations.
These groups almost never included
a complete rhythm section, mirroring
their future nonstandard groupings.
The free and avant-garde jazz scene
that Lester Bowie found in Chicago
became, in many ways, the model
for the musicians remaining in St.
Louis. The Association for the Advancement
of Creative Musicians (AACM) had
been formed in Chicago in May of
1965. Composed primarily of members
of the South Side African-American
community, most AACM musicians had
experience in blues and gospel.
They had met as part of the Experimental
Band, a group exploring European
classical concepts such as polytonality,
chromaticism, and serialism as well
as free jazz and collective improvisation
under the leadership of Muhal Richard
Abrams. Many of the future BAG members
worked along similar musical lines,
developing and building upon the
vocabulary of late-period Coltrane
and free musicians such as saxophonists
Albert Ayler and Archie Shepp. At
the same time, BAG members explored
modernist European ideas including
serialism and the work of composers
such as Stravinsky and Schoenberg,
fusing elements from a wide variety
of sources into their musical aesthetic.
When
future BAG members first began experimenting,
"traditionalists said they
were crazy," remembers former
BAG trumpeter Floyd LeFlore. Yet,
LeFlore claims, such experimentation
allowed leeway for musicians to
"mess up" and make mistakes
as part of their process of artistic
development. In St. Louis, Lake's
group The Lake Art Quartet debuted
at the Circle Coffee House in LaClede
Town in 1967. Saxophonist Julius
Hemphill, originally from Fort Worth,
settled in St. Louis in the late
1960s after earning his bachelor's
degree in Music Education at Lincoln
University in 1966. Despite his
musical education and navy band
experience, Hemphill was initially
excluded from the blues and bebop
scene by club owners and other musicians
due to his atypical style and tastes,
one former BAG member recounts.
With Chicago's AACM as a model,
Hemphill, fellow Lincoln University
alumnus Oliver Lake, and other black
St. Louis musicians began to consider
forming a similar cooperative to
facilitate wider exposure and garner
additional playing opportunities.
Lake describes returning from a
visit to Chicago and calling a meeting
of his like-minded musician friends.
"In our meeting," he recalls,
"I suggested that we become
a branch of the AACM. Julius [Hemphill]
then suggested that we form our
own group which included all the
artists we had been associated with-poets,
visual artists, dancers and actors.
While future BAG musicians developed
plans for a collective, impetus
was also underway to form a black
theater company in St. Louis. Actor
and director Malinke (originally
Robert) Elliott had been discussing
with Country Day School English
teacher Russell Durgin the possibility
of establishing such a company to
provide a focus for the young and
developing black theater community
in St. Louis. Elliott says, "Out
of these discussions we decided
that the best way to bring everyone
together was to initially have some
kind of common experience of working
together." Eventually Elliott
and others decided on a performance
of French playwright Jean Genet's
The Blacks as their first collaborative
effort. The Blacks (first published
as Les Negres in 1958) is a play
within a play that, according to
one critic, "stands as the
obituary of [white] mastery."
The play depicts whites watching
a group of blacks enact the fabricated
story of a rape in a minstrel-show
atmosphere, which reinforces the
whites' image of them, but meanwhile
other blacks are engaged in subversive
activities elsewhere.|
top
During the planning period for the
play, Elliott remembers that Lake
and other musicians contacted him
about collaboration with their planned
artistic collective. Eventually,
the actors and musicians decided,
according to Elliott, that by integrating
music into the production, The Blacks
"would be a perfect vehicle
for us all to get together, collaborate,
have a common experience, and would
be a great foundation to establish
a group." The production, Hemphill
recalls, served as a catalyst for
the formation of BAG in bringing
together a range of black artists
from various disciplines: "A
number of people before that I didn't
know, mainly actors, were cast in
the play and there was a concentration
of talents there." The performance
took place in July 1968 at Webster
College's Lorretto-Hilton Center,
and in both its emphasis on social
commentary and its integration of
music and drama, it presaged many
of the multimedia performances BAG
would undertake. The following month,
the artists mounted a presentation
of music, dance, and poetry at the
City Art Museum, and the well-attended
concert was also the first occasion
that the BAG musicians performed
as a large ensemble. As BAG continued
to develop, its members formulated
a coherent guiding philosophy, the
goal being "to bring performances
and arts instruction of high quality
to the St. Louis community..., to
synthesize the proud black past
with the black present, and to bring
together many art forms into a unifying
experience." Many of the musicians
in BAG already lived or subsequently
took up residence in LaClede Town,
a federally funded, mixed-income
housing complex built on sixty five
acres between Channing, Ewing, and
Laclede Avenues and Olive Street
on the edge of downtown.
LaClede Town, with its racial and
economic diversity, small-scale
design, and its residents' varied
mix of professions, proved an excellent
breeding ground for artistic endeavor
as well as for social activism.
Architectural historian Ramin Bavar
contrasts LaClede Town with the
superblock complexes typical of
the time (including the neighboring
Pruitt-Igoe), recounting that "[l]ittle
stores were placed throughout the
project for various uses such as:
a barber shop, laundry, a small
grocery, coffee shop, and a bar
with a sidewalk cafe. The project
was designed at human scale and
it tried to bring back some of the
old ways of life." Planners
envisioned the complex as an "urban
utopia." To the sometimes-idiosyncratic
director Jerome Berger, one of the
most important principles was diversity,
and he tried to keep LaClede Town
integrated; during the late 1960s,
the project was 50 percent white,
40 percent black, and 10 percent
other minorities, including many
immigrants to the U.S. BAG trumpeter
Floyd LeFlore fondly remembers his
days living in LaClede Town and
the "real cultural experience"
LaClede Town's racial, socio-economic,
and immigrant mix provided for his
children. LaClede Town's Circle
Coffee House, where saxophonist
The Lake Art Quartet got its start,
hosted poetry readings, productions
by improvisational theater groups,
and performances by future BAG saxophonists
Hamiett Bluiett and Julius Hemphill.
In many ways it became the center
of life in the community.
Open
to unusual artistic ventures, the
Circle Coffee House was where Parran
first heard the instrumental combination
of a sax-duo sans rhythm section,
as Hemphill joined forces with then-St.
Louisan David Sanborn. Hemphill
recalls the help that BAG members
received from LaClede Town director
Berger: "[He] allowed us to
use his office so that we could
put out mailings to people around
the community about our group's
projects. We got non-profit status,
incorporated, and put on our initial
program at the City Art Museum."
Berger believed the success of the
housing community depended on the
participation of residents in its
cultural life. He provided musicians
performing at the Circle Coffee
House three months of free rent
in order to encourage a creative
and active social environment within
LaClede Town. The BAG members living
there and elsewhere soon began using
the Gateway Theater on Boyle Avenue
(in St. Louis's Gaslight Square
district) for more elaborate multimedia
concerts and presentations, including
the group's weekly performance series
held Sunday evenings. The series
included varied offerings, such
as dance and music, but primarily
strove for collaboration and a multidisciplinary
approach. Thematic material evolved
out of current issues in the black
community and out of historical
issues related to the African-American
cultural experience. The phrase
"layers of transparency,"
according to Malinke Elliott, summarizes
how participants' interaction was
geared in this multimedia setting,
which also included films developed
for rear-screen projection during
shows. "Our idea was that no
one element of theater should dominate;
the lighting and everything was
... one seamless tapestry,"
he says. |
top
Perhaps it was the complex interweave
of various artistic mediums with
trenchant cultural themes that led
BAG poet Bruce Rutlin (then known
as Ajule) to comment, "We're
not artists. We're cultural aestheticians."
Because of the interartistic diversity
of performances, reviewers sometimes
had difficulty characterizing BAG
productions, calling them everything
from ballets to operas to dance
dramas. Elliott draws a parallel
between the heavy emphasis on improvisation
in the theater component and the
free jazz of the BAG musicians.
"A lot of times people would
approach us and ask to see the scripts
for the performance, and we had
no scripts," Elliott remembers;
"It had all been improvised
and worked out in rehearsing. We
collaborated continuously."
As BAG began adding more performances
and artists, the participants took
their artistic collaborations to
a variety of venues around town,
including Washington University,
St. Louis University, the Loretto-Hilton
Center at Webster College, the Page
Park YMCA, and the Pruitt-Igoe housing
project. Many of the performances
on college campuses were enabled
through the student activity funds
that became available with the advent
of the student protest movement.
Performances began to draw a diverse
crowd, which LeFlore says included
intellectuals, white progressives,
"right-on black brothers,"
people from the St. Louis County
suburbs, and residents of the city's
north-side African-American neighborhoods.
The typical audience was about 60
percent black and 40 percent white,
and Elliott recalls that audiences
"were usually very raucous
and spirited. ... People would get
caught up in the moments of the
drama, where they would shout things...,
or spontaneously applaud, or even
augment the drama by jumping into
the aisles and doing their own thing."
The associations and musical give-and-take
between St. Louis's avant-garde
musicians and Chicago's AACM didn't
end with the formation of BAG. LeFlore
remembers a reciprocal agreement
of sorts between the two groups,
with joint performances in Chicago
and St. Louis on a regular basis.
Trumpeter Lester Bowie, former St.
Louisan and a founder of AACM-outgrowth
The Art Ensemble, was an important
link between BAG musicians and their
colleagues in the Windy City, especially
since his brother Joseph was a trombonist
in BAG. "They would come down
here, we would go up there,"
said Hemphill of the AACM members;
"We had a kind of exchange
program." This reciprocity
between artistic collectives also
came to include other cities, including
performances with the Artists' Workshop
in Detroit.
The
cooperation led to an affinity of
style; LeFlore says there is still
a distinctive sound to former BAG
and AACM musicians that no one else
has: "That will always be a
part of me. I can hear it in my
playing now." The atmosphere
in St. Louis at the time of BAG's
formation was not particularly receptive
to the new sounds being explored
by Lake, Hemphill, and their musical
comrades. Lake describes the lack
of new-jazz venues and audiences
as part of the impetus for forming
the Black Artists' Group: "In
St. Louis, it was about doing it
or nothing would happen. If we wanted
to get exposure for what we were
doing, the only way to do it was
to make it happen ourselves. Once
we did realize that, things happened
for us, we were really successful
in St. Louis." Hemphill concurs
regarding BAG's interest in taking
a proactive promotional role, saying,
"In the '60s, there was a lot
of interest in exploring unfamiliar
territory, in putting on concerts
instead of waiting for someone else
to do it, in playing in places other
than clubs." Members of BAG
actively promoted their own productions
in response to the lack of established
performance venues. Despite a rich
tradition of black music in St.
Louis, few career opportunities
existed for St. Louis's black musicians.
African-Americans were excluded
from careers in the St. Louis Symphony,
the advertising industry, and the
socialite gig scene. Local recording
opportunities were mostly limited
to vanity pressings and demos, many
produced by saxophonist and recording
engineer Oliver Sain in his studio
on Natural Bridge Road. In Chicago,
the AACM managed to develop fruitful
relationships with critic John Litweiler
of Chicago-based Downbeat magazine,
the most widely read jazz magazine
in the U.S., and producer Chuck
Nessa of Chicago-based Delmark Records.
The AACM's Roscoe Mitchell recorded
his first album in 1965, but such
opportunities for exposure were
not readily available to BAG's musicians.
Oliver Lake, for instance, didn't
put out a record as a leader until
1971, when the Arista label released
NTU Point From Which Creation Begins.
Thus
Hemphill started his own local record
label, Mbari, to counteract the
lack of opportunities to record
and document the music of BAG and
other new musicians. In liner notes
to Arista's 1978 re-release of Hemphill's
1972 LP Dogon A.D. on the Mbari
label, reviewer Robert Palmer wrote
that in the six years since its
original release, the album had
"become an underground classic,
and reviewers in various publications
have compared it to the finest works
produced by improvising musicians
during the past decade." While
suffering from poor distribution,
Mbari reflected BAG members' proactive
role in attempting to develop a
niche in the St. Louis arts community.
Difficulties certainly existed in
garnering exposure for music and
drama which increasingly stood outside
the mainstream. Oliver Lake describes
the struggle to achieve visibility
for such music and its attendant
social ideas: It could be that there
is a singular way that they would
like everyone to operate within
a certain system. Somebody doing
something outside of that isn't
really brought forward or put in
the mainstream. Because of this
practice, people are not aware that
there's another thing happening
that is completely different or
from another angle which might make
them think a little more. |
top
The
more docile and trained they keep
the masses, the less trouble. Former
Washington University ethnomusicologist
Ingrid Monson suggests that black
jazz musicians in the mid- and late-1960s
hoped that their music would continue
to be popular with African-American
audiences, even as the music moved
farther towards experimental, avant-garde,
and free jazz. (She describes groups
led by arts leaders such as Amiri
Baraka using federal money to drive
through the streets of New York
blasting the free jazz of Sun Ra
into African-American neighborhoods.)
But jazz critics stopped promoting
free and avant-garde music after
Coltrane's death in 1967, says local
jazz radio host Owsley, who claims,
"When Coltrane died it was
like the sun went out." Instead
of embracing the increasingly dissonant
and seemingly esoteric music, large
portions of the African-American
music-listening community turned
to R&B, soul, Motown, and funk,
even as jazz critics turned their
attention towards fusion, a new
electrified blend of jazz, rock,
and other styles. Of course, part
of the commercial marginalization
of jazz was due to repression by
reactionary police agencies (through
drug charges, removal of caberet
cards, and so on) and an increasingly
conservative music business network,
both of which limited opportunities,
especially for black experimentalists.
However, BAG musicians such as Lake
continued to work in the free and
avant-garde tradition of late-period
Coltrane and his '60s sidemen. In
addition to finding performance
space, developing audiences, and
creating recording opportunities,
BAG members worked to gain nonprofit
status and incorporate. Unlike their
AACM counterparts in Chicago, BAG
members actively sought and obtained
financial grants from local organizations
such as Monsanto, the Danforth Foundation,
and the Missouri Council for the
Arts, as well as from the New York-based
Rockefeller Foundation and the National
Endowment for the Arts. In April
1968, the Rockefeller Foundation
approved a grant of $100,000, which,
paired with a matching grant from
St. Louis's Danforth Foundation,
was for the establishment of Artist-in-Residence
programs and Cultural Enrichment
Centers in St. Louis and East St.
Louis. In press releases, the Arts
and Education Council of Greater
St. Louis, the administrator of
the combined grant, noted, "The
cultural enrichment centers would
be an extension of an experiment
now being conducted in East St.
Louis on a limited scale, under
auspices of Southern Illinois University,
by Miss Katherine Dunham."
The
reputation and recognition that
dancer and artistic leader Dunham
already enjoyed by that point was
one key to the grant applications'
success. The Artist-in-Residence
Team, or AIR Team as it came to
be known, operated on the Missouri
side of the river and overlapped
to a great extent with the personnel,
goals, and activities of BAG. The
program was designed to place professional
artists in a variety of mediums
in work/living spaces throughout
inner-city St. Louis, where they
could conduct classes for youth
and hire several part-time youth
apprentices to assist with their
work. The AIR Team "was created
out of the conviction that the inner
city of St. Louis needs the presence
of creative, professional working
artists living and working in its
midst just as it needs lawyers,
doctors, educators, etc.,"
according to a publicity brochure.
The Arts and Education Council selected
Hemphill, BAG's first chairman,
as the director of the AIR program,
and named BAG's Lake the director
of the AIR Team's music component.
"This partnership developed
as a result of the similar goals
that both these groups have set
for themselves," the BAG-AIR
consortium announced. "The
whole [BAG] concept really came
together when we got some grants
together," Floyd LeFlore maintains.
This grant money allowed salaries
for members of BAG, both musicians
and artists in other mediums, to
teach free classes and private lessons
for disadvantaged African-American
youths in St. Louis. The idea for
classes also may have originated
with the AACM in Chicago, which
opened its free music school in
1969 and at times had up to fifty
inner-city youths enrolled. The
goal of the BAG-AIR center, said
Hemphill in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
would be "to make black people
more aware of their creative potential."
Eventually the cultural enrichment
center component of the grant and
the Artist-in-Residence component
came to operate independently. Katherine
Dunham proceeded with her cultural
enrichment centers in East St. Louis,
while the BAG-AIR group developed
different goals and objectives.
"The
St. Louis group went for younger
artists, mostly local," reported
Norman Lloyd, the Rockefeller Foundation's
director of arts programs, in June
1969; "These younger artists
do not want to accept Katherine
Dunham's role as leader, since they
want to develop their own style.
... The program, therefore, has
been split into two parts-one for
St. Louis and one for East St. Louis."
As BAG expanded its membership and
received more funding, the group
was able to move into its own building,
complete with living quarters, performance
space, and a teaching area. By July
1969, the BAG-AIR group had obtained
(for a nominal annual rent of one
dollar) a building on Washington
Avenue, located several blocks from
the Pruitt-Igoe housing project.
The building would serve as a center
and site for classes. Monsanto soon
renovated one first-floor room for
the group; another room served as
space for theater and dance workshops,
rehearsals, and classes. Upstairs
was a huge loft, ideal for a painting
studio. "Twenty four hours
[a day] for the next several years,
you could walk into the BAG building
and something would be going on,"
Malinke Elliott recalls of the nonstop
teaching, rehearsing, and performing
that took place at the center. BAG
members instructed young, mostly
African-American aspiring artists
over the course of several years
at the center, usually averaging
an enrollment of about fifty students
at any given time. The teaching
staff came to include Bruce Rutlin
(creative writing), Georgia Collins
(dance), Thurman Falk (film), and
Emilio Cruz (visual arts), in addition
to the BAG musicians and actors.
Elliott's sister Marian Hill, BAG's
staff secretary, served as the center's
"house mother," proctoring
the students and helping them to
solve problems such as lack of money
for instruments and books. Successful
musicians such as clarinetist/saxophonist
Marty Ehrlich and guitarist Kelvyn
Bell, both now playing in New York,
emerged from the BAG classes, as
well as other artists such as poets
Michael and Jan Castro.
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ACTIVISM AND
AFROCENTRISM
The new intersection of politics and
the arts that emerged in the 1960s
enabled BAG members to engage in projects
reflecting some of the political and
social tenor of the time. The theater
component of BAG, in particular, chose
to tackle experimental and highly
political material, exploring important
social issues of the late '60s and
early '70s. BAG's members were influenced
especially by the political prose,
plays, and poetry of radical writers
such as Amiri Baraka, Ed Bullins,
Jean Genet, and Frantz Fanon, and
Elliott urged BAG members to become
"poets of action." Scholar
Peter Madden d eclares, "The
awareness of class issues beyond just
the [artists'] own advancement, as
demonstrated by ... BAG's participation
in activism like a rent strike, posit
the collectives as progressive entities
with an acute understanding of the
problems facing their communities."
LeFlore remembers that the musicians
did not always set out to address
social issues in their music. Nevertheless,
LeFlore adds, the music couldn't help
but reflect many important trends
and issues because of the way in which
music and sociopolitical concerns
intertwined in the late 1960s. "All
different types of music were doing
that: acid-rock, rhythm-and-blues,
jazz," LeFlore says.
Similarly,
Oliver Lake in a 1998 interview remarked:
I never really thought of [BAG'S work]
as political. ... In the '60s, when
the BAG started, there was so much
politics, even the way the BAG started,
how it was named was political, because
of the civil rights movement that
was happening. So everything that
you did was interpreted as a political
move. We had our own building, we
were teaching, presenting ourselves,
that in itself was a political statement
that we were taking control of our
musical destinies. BAG's involvement
in local activism led to relationships
with other artistic groups with varying
political and aesthetic goals. The
Human Arts Ensemble (run by BAG drummer
Charles "Bobo" Shaw), the
Big River Association, and the Solidarity
Unit, interracial musical groups that
included non-BAG members, were examples
of the loose offshoots of BAG often
put together for specific benefits,
recording projects, or concerts. The
importance of African American artists'
collectives went beyond their involvement
in activist causes, says Monson: "I
think they had an enormous symbolic
value ... in the sense that in the
early '60s there starts to be a lot
of examination of the racial stratification
of the economic structure in the jazz
business." Indeed, saxophonist
Archie Shepp once poignantly referred
to jazz clubs as "crude stables
where black men are run until they
bleed, or else are hacked up outright
for Lepage's glue." The movement
towards artistic collectives gathered
steam from the unfair treatment black
artists frequently received at the
hands of white record executives and
club owners, or the downright exclusion
from white theater and dance companies
and venues; examples of such collectives
included trumpeter/composer Bill Dixon's
Jazz Composers' Guild, Rahsaan Roland
Kirk's Jazz and People's Movement,
the Collective Black Artists, and
Amiri Baraka's Harlem-based Black
Arts Repertory Theater, as well as,
in some ways, Sun Ra's Arkestra.
By organizing their own performance
venues and recording opportunities,
not controlled by white club promoters
or record label bosses, Monson contends
that "it felt like the musicians
were trying to take control of the
means of production." The founders
of the collectives simultaneously
defended themselves from exploitation
by organizing their own appearances
and took responsibility with other
members of the black community by
training young artists in various
fields. The Afrocentric consciousness
that arose in the black community
during the 1960s also was evident
in the music and lifestyles of BAG's
artists. The group may have been formed
to increase exposure and earning power
for the members, but a more coherent
philosophical direction began to emerge.
Oliver Lake remarked that the influence
of the Black Power movement had created
"energy towards having groups
in the community" in St. Louis.
It is within BAG's community-oriented
framework that we can see what scholar
Paul Gilroy has called "the power
of music in developing black struggles
by communicating information, organising
consciousness, and testing out or
deploying the forms of subjectivity
which are required by political agency";
Gilroy highlights here the nexus of
artistic, political, and cultural
practices that was central to the
group's philosophy. Musically, BAG
embraced many of the sounds being
created by better-known free-jazz
musicians in New York and their emerging
counterparts in Chicago. This new
music, itself, carried social implications,
such as those of the tempestuous and
seemingly unstructured group improvisations.
Critic Frank Kofsky in 1970 controversially
wrote: Collective improvisation symbolizes
the recognition among musicians that
their art is not an affair of individual
'geniuses,' but the musical expression
of an entire people-the black people
in America. ... In every respect the
combined social-musical revolution
in jazz amounts to a repudiation of
the values of white middle-class capitalist
America.
This
is most obvious from the statements
of the musicians themselves; but it
is also apparent (to those who trouble
to listen with open ears) in the wild
and exciting music which the revolution
is producing. While many critics and
musicians would dispute the far-left
analysis of writers like Kofsky, several
of BAG's members did see a strong
connection between the new musical
dialects and emerging social phenomena.
J. D. Parran remembers that the intense
new music, with innovations such as
"open tonality and form as well
as unmetered rhythmic momentum ...
excited some while it confused and
horrified others, musicians and lay
listeners alike." Yet jazz radio
host Owsley claims that, due to the
city's conservatism, groups in St.
Louis found it difficult to present
a set of ideas overtly tied to the
Black Power or other radical political
movements. Parran recalls, "Early
Afro-centric Free Jazz could not find
refuge in traditional venues such
as black churches and public schools,"
remembering also that the conservative
St. Louis society, including many
blacks as well as whites, frowned
upon "Afro"-styled hair
and dress. But the city's relative
social conservatism did not prevent
the group from displaying more subtle
aspects of the Black Power movement's
philosophies. Madden asserts, "Presenting
themselves as serious artists and
intellectuals, the collectives were
living up to the examples of respectability
that had been set by popular figures
like Coltrane, King, and Malcolm X."
Indeed, an important component of
the Black Power movement was a conservative
notion of personal responsibility.
The often-aprocryphal stories surrounding
jazz legends such as alto saxophonist
Charlie
Parker unfairly presented the black
jazz musician as a drug-addicted womanizer,
and members of BAG worked hard to
counteract these derogatory stereotypes.
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As
Oliver Lake recalls, BAG members were
acutely aware of these images, and
actively sought to avoid them: "We're
not going to eat any pork, not going
to take any drugs... We were responsible,
and still are." Musicians in
BAG also counteracted negative stereotypes
surrounding black jazz musicians by
holding daytime performances in their
own building and performance spaces,
separating the music from what was
often seen as the "illicit atmosphere
of nightclubs and the attendant drugs
and drinking." Indeed, members
of the group seemed always to prefer
non-club settings: from the Circle
Coffee House in LaClede Town and the
BAG building in Gaslight Square to
the American Center in Paris and the
mid-'70s "loft-jazz" scene
in New York City. With its own building,
BAG changed the traditional context
of jazz performance. "Rejecting
traditional modes of jazz performance
carried an ideological dimension that
was consistent with the unique musical
philosophy of the collectives,"
contends Madden. By collaborating
with artists in other fields, creating
new performance venues to replace
static nightclub appearances, and
operating a school, BAG members expanded
their positions to empowered and inclusive
roles such as-in the words of J. D.
Parran-"musician/educators"
and "cultural ambassadors."
In a similar vein, scholar and trombonist
George Lewis-a member of the AACM-has
claimed that an expanded role for
the black artist became necessary
in the face of "a wide-ranging
denial of African histories, [which]
could well result in the erasure of
cultural memory." BAG and AACM
members functioned not only as artists
but also as scholars, historians,
educators and cultural critics as
part of an intervention in this process.
Elliott, in his 1971 Black Theatre
Notebook (both acting manual and cultural
critique), commented on BAG's increased
orientation towards the needs and
experiences of its own community:
"Black arts is family and the
black arts movement considers any
concept that places the black artist
outside of his community as a western
corruption of that natural unity of
aesthetics and ethics." The group's
artistic focus on its local context
thus exemplifies what sociologist
Les Back has called "community
as a narrative achievement."
In
addition to the voluntary behavioral
codes, new performance settings, and
black audience orientation that the
group adopted, BAG's incorporation
and creative use of so-called traditional
African influences was another manifestation
of the period's social and political
tenor. Jazz scholar Monson comments,
"The whole point of embracing
Africa is something most of these
groups were really into-wanting to
validate African roots, a lot of them
experimenting with African instruments,
especially percussion instruments,
and entitling tunes with names suggestive
of Africa." Certainly members
of BAG exhibited signs of the emerging
Afro-centric consciousness. Hemphill's
record label, mentioned earlier, bore
the African-inspired name Mbari, and
his first album was called Dogon A.D.
after an African ethnic group living
along 125 miles of rocky escarpments
to the southwest of the Niger River
bend. BAG's dance instructor Georgia
Collins (the first black dancer to
appear with the New York City Ballet)
featured much in the way of "authentically
derived" African dance in BAG
productions, remembers Elliott. Album
covers and pictures of BAG musicians
in Paris also show them dressed in
African clothing and patterns. In
1979, Hemphill commented on the positive
response his music usually received
from black audiences: "Without
being condescending, I'd say that
black audiences are like home ground.
Nowadays, with the advent of communications
and what not, I think that white people
have a more literary approach."
While grant money helped establish
the important educational programs
of the AIR-BAG team, the money and
programming disappeared within several
years. The tenor of the artists' work,
and especially of the dramatic performances,
made the funding agencies, the Danforth
Foundation, in particular, reluctant
to continue supporting the project.
The
Rockefeller Foundation's Norman Lloyd
listed a number of concerns voiced
as early as September 1969 by Danforth
Foundation president Merrimon Cuninggim:
"The program has tended to exacerbate
white-black relations and increase
rather than diminish tension ... [and
t]here have been no effective working
relationships set up between the Katherine
Dunham group and the AIR-BAG group."
Cuninggim characterized as "starry-eyed"
the glowing BAG reports of Michael
Newton, president of the Arts and
Education Council, which administered
the grant. The Danforth Foundation's
consultant for the project, Gene Schwilk,
reported to the Rockefeller Foundation
his concern that artists were more
interested in "social reform"
than "art," citing involvement
of the artists in housing strikes
and demonstrations. Norman Lloyd told
the Rockefeller Foundation, "[Schwilk]
feels the contact between blacks and
whites in the program has been very
limited. The impact of the program
has been mainly on black youth. Artists
have been heavily involved in social
reform efforts. ... [The program]
is not particularly aimed at Danforth's
definition of urban problems."
The charge that BAG exacerbated racial
tensions, claims Elliott, never was
expressed to the group's leadership,
instead being voiced only in a series
of private memos and telephone conversations
between Danforth and Rockefeller personnel
and their consultants. Elliott heatedly
disputes the suggestion that BAG exacerbated
racial tensions, arguing that "BAG
performances at that time in St. Louis
[were] the only place where you had
blacks and whites communing together,
enjoying each other, understanding
where we each were coming from, and
contributing to one another."
Elliott also highlights the number
of white youths who were taught in
the BAG school. Nonetheless, for a
variety of reasons, most local and
federal grant money had disappeared
by the eve of the BAG musicians' move
to Paris. |
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ST. LOUIS, PARIS,
NEW YORK CITY:
After
four years of operation in St. Louis,
the leading musicians of BAG had grown
frustrated with the lack of opportunities
in St. Louis and in the United States.
As mentioned earlier, Hemphill's record
label Mbari, which he started because
few domestic labels would record BAG's
type of music, suffered from poor
distribution. Outside of a small underground
arts audience, most St. Louis jazz
fans in this period had little interest
in the type of music played by BAG,
and the Mbari records received no
local radio play. The final decision
to leave St. Louis, however, was precipitated
by two more specific occurrences:
the disappearance of grant funding
and the AACM's glowing reports of
opportunities in France. In June 1969,
the Anthony Braxton Trio and the Art
Ensemble, both groups that had developed
from Chicago's AACM, moved to France
with no booked performances or engagements.
Within two months of their arrival,
the groups had recorded six records
and appeared in numerous live and
televised concerts. Several of the
returning AACM musicians stayed in
BAG's St. Louis building following
their work in Paris. Lake recalls,
"My friend Lester Bowie had arrived
in Paris a couple of years before
with the Art Ensemble and when he
returned he was very excited about
the acceptance of the music; hence
my interest was piqued." The
combination of diminishing grant money
in the U.S. and the plethora of overseas
musical opportunities recounted by
Bowie and his comrades had enticed
leading BAG musicians to leave St.
Louis.
Their
destination, Paris, had been a traditional
host for marginalized African-American
visual artists, musicians, and writers.
Monson cites mus ical examples ranging
from singer/dancer Josephine Baker
(another St. Louisan), trumpeter Louis
Armstrong, and saxophonist Coleman
Hawkins to bebop musicians such as
Charlie Parker and Kenny Clarke, and
avant-garde performers like Steve
Lacy and Archie Shepp. "One of
the things about European audiences
is that [they] always respected the
avant-garde explorations," she
remarks. Oliver Lake remembers, "BAG
had begun performing throughout the
St. Louis bistate area and we were
looking to expand our musical and
performance horizons, so we said,
'Let's go to Paris'." Eventually
Oliver Lake, Joseph Bowie (brother
of Lester Bowie), Baikida Carroll,
Charles "Bobo" Shaw, Floyd
LeFlore, and several others raised
enough money in St. Louis for the
trans-Atlantic trip and purchased
two vans for driving to the French
provinces for gigs. Their first gig,
a televised concert at the American
Center (a Parisian cultural organization
that played host to many of the more
radical American artists of that era),
was cancelled because of a French
television strike. However, the appearance
was rescheduled and the group immediately
began to attract the attention of
listeners and the press as well as
obtaining money from the French Ministry
of Culture. | top
Admiring features appeared in French
magazines, and the BAG musicians in
return admired the knowledgeable French
audiences. "It seemed the French
were more educated, because we were
doing some more abstract stuff. There
were kids over there who could tell
you about Louis Armstrong, and who
knew who Sun Ra was, which was really
impressive," says LeFlore. BAG
and AACM musicians achieved much higher
visibility in the French mainstream
press than at home, and the French
jazz press seemed to take the BAG
musicians, in particular, far more
seriously than St. Louis music writers
of the time. Reviewing an October
1972 concert featuring several BAG
members, a writer for the French Jazz
Magazine commented on the "politics
of exchange" between the AACM
and BAG and lauded the "many
tries, meetings, exposÈs (that
seem to be practiced with care), of
vagabond-likeness within the sounds."
The critic also made clear that the
BAG and AACM musicians did not produce
a monolithic body of work, writing:
Concerning the sound work ... the
B.a.g. musicians cleanly distinguish
themselves from those from Chicago.
First in their use of relationships
between sound and silence, breath
and music. ... Here the music is often
born of a very progressive invasion,
very slow, of space. Here also, the
gesture precedes the sound and participates
in the music. While Paris would provide
a congenial respite for BAG musicians,
eventually they and their AACM compatriots
migrated to New York City, where they
came to dominate the influential "loft-jazz"
scene of the mid-1970s. In this case
also, the musicians eschewed the traditional
club setting, taking advantage of
a city government program that subsidized
use of city-owned loft space for artistic
purposes. Former BAG member Hamiett
Bluiett says, "The critics who
were going to the different halls
where they were supposed to be were
bored. They came downtown where we
were playing in the different lofts,
and they began jumping up and down."
The
New York members of BAG carved out
a niche in the jazz scene. Three of
them-Hemphill, Lake and Bluiett (along
with David Murray of Berkeley, CA)-formed
the World Saxophone Quartet, which
The New York Times hailed as "probably
the most protean and exciting new
jazz band of the 1980s." The
artists, actors, dancers and musicians
remaining in St. Louis did not fare
as well in the subsequent period of
grant cuts. In 1977 jazz critic Valerie
Wilmer observed, "Sadly, BAG
exists now only on a spiritual level.
Its members continue to work together
and exchange ideas, but the demise
of the group was hastened by the collapse
of their funding programme which coincided
with the departure for Europe of their
five leading members. Unlike the AACM,
the younger members proved insufficiently
mature to carry on the aims of BAG."
St. Louis jazz was dealt another blow
when, after the merger of the black
and white musicians' unions (American
Federation of Musicians Local 197
and Local 2) in the early 1970s, the
black union's rehearsal hall was closed.
But many of the participants always
had seen BAG's demise as inevitable
and felt that it had served its purpose
during the years of its existence.
"BAG was an evolutionary process,
and so I never lamented the passing
of BAG," says Elliott; "BAG
was merely a seed that allowed so
many of us to develop out into the
world community of arts." By
the time of BAG's demise, the influence
of the collectives as models for other
artists had grown, and critic John
Litweiler observed that by 1975 "any
number of music-producing cooperatives
had appeared, some to thrive, others
to disappear, from California to Connecticut
and also in Europe." |
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CONCLUSION:
How
did St. Louis become, for a few
short years, a crucible for such
creative vitality and experimentation?
Urbanist Peter Hall, in his study
of creative milieux in European
and American history, identifies
several factors leading to periods
of cultural innovation in urban
settings. Among these is the material
context: state of economy, mode
of production, relationship between
social classes, and so on; artists
work "against the background
to their life's experience, which
is powerfully shaped by the state
of the world they grow up in."
Hall also asserts that marginality,
due to ethnicity, gender, or class,
can be key in a creative process
nourished on constant interface
with mainstream or establishment
culture.
In addition, "structural instability,"
or an ongoing shift in the organization
of society leading to a genuine
uncertainty about the future, is
often a feature of urban creative
milieux. In the St. Louis of the
late '60s, we see these forces at
work in interconnected ways: BAG
members nourished their art from
prevailing social, cultural and
economic conditions and directed
it back towards the same set of
conditions; the artists drew from
their experiences as a marginalized
racial and occupational group; and
BAG's artistic ferment was uniquely
situated at a time of local and
national "structural instability."
For a short time, wrote participant
J.D. Parran, the St. Louis black
collective "formed and flourished,
then disappeared from its urban
community setting. But for a few
years, productive years, it nurtured
and gave voice to the burning creative
impetus at large in that city and
the nation." While St. Louisans
still on occasion run across former
BAG members in performances around
town, it is odd that BAG has not
been the subject of more extensive
scholarship or attention in the
popular press. As former U.S. CongressmanWilliam
Clay has noted in his introduction
to Discovering African-American
St. Louis, "The role played
by black Americans in the history
of our country has been ignored,
distorted, and downplayed ... by
those who write the textbooks and
... by the so-called master historians."
The
Black Artists' Group provides one
of St. Louis's most important links
to the emergent Black Arts Movement
of the late '60s and early '70s;
by joining together social concern
and artistic innovation, the BAG
school, the multimedia performances,
and the group's social agenda significantly
reshaped the St. Louis arts landscape.
The astonishing artistic richness
of the Black Artists' Group deserves
to emerge into full view as a unique
and engaging effort to discover
an artistic voice adequate to the
social and cultural dislocations
of its time.
(c)
Ben Looker
409 Mark Hannah Place
Ann Arbor, Michigan
48103-3764 U.S.A.
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©
copyright 1999-2007 | Talkin Stick Music, Inc
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